human rights watch côte d'ivoire report
The owner of the property where the arms were discovered, a senior aide to National Assembly president Guillaume Soro, was arrested and detained on October 9. World Report 2017 - Côte d’Ivoire. Many members of the security forces, including senior army officers, continued to engage in racketeering and extortion. Côte d’Ivoire’s reparations body was disbanded in April, having registered more than 316,000 victims. Les plans de l’organisation humanitaire, Human Rights Watch, interrogés et devoilés par la presse africaine au Cameroun et en Côte d’Ivoire. Two other journalists were detained on July 31 for 24 hours on similar charges after alleging that bank accounts belonging to National Assembly leader Soro had been frozen. 2018 Amnesty Should Exclude War Crimes, Crimes Against Humanity. Past government-led forestry reclamation efforts left thousands of evicted farmers’ families without access to adequate food, water, or shelter. At time of writing, Gbagbo and Blé Goudé were on conditional release, in Belgium and the Netherlands respectively. Two of the largest opposition parties in September refused to nominate members of the commission. Security forces opened fire on protesters demonstrating against the arrest of an opposition politician in Bouaké on October 3, killing one person and injuring several others. Incidents of discrimination against lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) persons, including physical assaults, are common. Despite some efforts to rehabilitate prisons, detainees still lack adequate access to medical care and inmates suffer extortion by prison guards and fellow inmates. France, the US, and the EU remained major donors, including in the justice and security sector, although Côte d’Ivoire has increasingly strong economic ties with China. Refworld is the leading source of information necessary for taking quality decisions on refugee status. Several army commanders allegedly responsible for atrocities during the 2002-03 armed conflict and 2010-11 crisis were promoted in January. Judges report that the risk of interference is greatest in political cases, but can occur in any civil or criminal trial. Human Rights Watch defends the rights of people in 90 countries worldwide, spotlighting abuses and bringing perpetrators to justice, Human Rights Watch is a 501(C)(3) nonprofit registered in the US under EIN: 13-2875808, Security Force Abuses and Security Sector Reform, Two Years After #MeToo Erupts, A New Treaty Anchors Workplace Shifts, Holding Companies to Account: Momentum Builds for Corporate Human Rights Duties, As Killer Robots Loom, Demands Grow to Keep Humans in Control of Use of Force, Shutting Down the Internet to Shut Up Critics, With Millions Out of School, the Countdown Begins to Get All Children into Quality, Accessible Education, Going to the Bank for Food, Not Money: The Growing Reality of Hunger in “Rich” Countries. The mutineers only returned to their barracks after the government paid them 12 million CFA (US$21,000). As of October the CNDH had 31 regional commissions and seven thematically focused departments. The cell has charged high-level perpetrators from both sides, including several pro-Ouattara commanders now in senior positions in the army. Countries participating in the United Nations review of Côte d’Ivoire’s human rights record should question the government’s failure to deliver justice to victims of 2010-11 post-election abuses, Human Rights Watch said today. Several former “comzones,” powerful military commanders implicated in serious human rights abuses from 2002 to 2011, were demoted in March. Some provisions of the new laws, however, could be used to restrict freedom of assembly and expression. Human rights groups acting on behalf of victims refused to participate in Simone Gbagbo’s trial, which was marred both by fair trial concerns and the prosecution’s failure to present sufficient evidence to fully explore her role during the 2010-11 crisis. Côte d'Ivoire’s HDI value for 2019 is 0.538— which put the country in the low human development category—positioning it at 162 out of 189 countries and territories. Past, government-led reclamation efforts, such as the 2016 eviction of farmers from Mont Péko national park, led to widespread forced evictions. Côte d'Ivoire, which has lost vast swathes of forest to cocoa farming, announced in September a policy to devolve responsibility for reforestation to private businesses. Neither Côte d’Ivoire’s Special Cell nor the ICC have investigated crimes committed during election-related violence in 2000, or the 2002-2003 armed conflict. Although Côte d’Ivoire’s press largely operated without restrictions, laws criminalizing publication of false information were on occasion used to unfairly detain journalists and several pro-opposition newspapers were temporarily suspended. Simone Gbagbo is also wanted by the ICC on four counts of crimes against humanity, but so far the Ivorian government has refused to transfer her to The Hague. Online activist Soro Tangboho was arrested in November 2018 for live streaming police officers whom, he claimed, were extorting money from motorists. Côte d’Ivoire . Under the old law, widows often received nothing. Human Rights Watch | 350 Fifth Avenue, 34th Floor | New York, NY 10118-3299 USA | t 1.212.290.4700 People Born with Atypical Sex Characteristics Battle For Informed Consent, The Case for the Right to a Healthy Environment. Côte d’Ivoire has not yet delivered justice for victims of grave crimes by both sides in the country’s 2010-2011 post-election crisis. Côte d’Ivoire completed a two-year term as a member of the United Nations Security Council in December 2019. Le maintien de la stabilité politique de la Côte d’Ivoire et sa forte croissance macroéconomique ont fourni en 2016 des conditions propices à une amélioration progressive de l’état de droit et de la réalisation des droits économiques et sociaux. Opposition and some civil society organizations strongly criticized the reforms, arguing that the government’s role in nominating members of the commission means it will still be subject to executive influence. Gradual efforts to strengthen the judicial system continued, demonstrated by the more frequent organization of cour d’assises sessions in Abidjan and two regional courts and the establishment of a legal aid fund. Members of the security forces continued to engage in racketeering and extortion, particularly at checkpoints on secondary roads. The prevalence of arbitrary arrests, mistreatment of detainees, and unlawful killings by the security forces lessened again in 2017, but investigations and prosecutions of those who commit abuses were rare. Since its last UPR, Côte d’Ivoire submitted its reports to the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights in 2016, to the Committee on the Rights of the Child in 2017, and to the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women in 2018. Security forces have largely failed to protect the population or investigate the crimes. Six journalists were detained on February 12 for 48 hours on charges of publishing false information after reporting on alleged bonuses paid to mutineers from the army’s special forces. The arrest of several opposition or civil society figures for organizing anti-government protests raised concerns of a closing of civic space ahead of the 2020 presidential elections. Between 1990 33.2and 2019, Côte d'Ivoire’s HDI value increased from 0.404 to 0.538, an increase of percent. The mutinies triggered sporadic demonstrations by other elements of the security forces and demobilized fighters, leaving 11 more dead, including four ex-soldiers killed in a clash with police on May 23. The CNDH inherited the UN Operation in Cote d’Ivoire (UNOCI’s) human rights mandate upon UNOCI’s departure in 2017 but acknowledged it did not have UNOCI’s resources or its autonomy. The ICC trial of Laurent Gbagbo and the former youth minister and militia leader Charles Blé Goudé for crimes against humanity committed during the 2010-11 crisis continued in 2017. Members of the army, police, or gendarmerie were rarely punished for corruption and other more serious offenses. The report praised the government’s efforts to pursue sustainable economic development, but underscored the need to prosecute human rights crimes committed by both sides in the post-election crisis. The killing of nine French soldiers in a government air raid on a French base a few days later provoked a deepening of the human rights and diplomatic crisis. The ICC continued its investigations into crimes committed by pro-Ouattara forces during the post-election crisis, but has yet to issue arrest warrants. On May 7, 2019, Côte d’Ivoire will undergo its third Universal Periodic Review (UPR) before the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva. https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2019/country-chapters/cote-divoire Neither the special cell nor the ICC are investigating crimes committed during election-related violence in 2000 or the 2002-2003 armed conflict. A rural land agency, established in 2016 finally began to implement programs to speed up implementation of a 1998 land law designed to reduce conflicts over land by registering customary land rights and issuing legal titles. A mutinying soldier at a checkpoint at the entrance to Bouake, Côte d’Ivoire. For example, Abidjan’s central prison in October housed 7,100 in a facility designed for 1,500, with 2,500 in pretrial detention. Progress in delivering justice for victims of the 2010-11 post-election violence remained slow, with the vast majority of perpetrators of human rights abuses—from across the military-political divide—not yet held accountable. A flurry of law reforms led to some improvements in the legal protection of human rights. Prisons are severely overcrowded and detainees lack adequate access to medical care and suffer extortion by prison guards and fellow inmates. Relatives and victims of violence under former Ivorian President Laurent Gbagbo take part in a protest against his release from the Hague last week, in Abidjan's Abobo neighborhood, Ivory Coast February 4, 2019. Côte d’Ivoire’s continued strong economic growth in 2019 led to some improvements in social and economic rights. At time of writing, the case had not yet been decided. In the year after President Ouattara’s August 2018 amnesty for crimes committed during the 2010-11 post-election violence, there was little progress in domestic investigations by the Special Investigative and Examination Cell. The vast majority of rural land, however, remained unregistered. On both occasions, soldiers seized control of Bouake, Côte d’Ivoire’s second largest city, for several days and blocked roads in Abidjan and other towns, killing at least four people, several from stray bullets. Three years after the passage of a law strengthening protections for human rights defenders, the government finally adopted a decree necessary for the law’s implementation in February 2017. Mutinying soldiers in May discovered an arms cache in Bouake, underscoring the failure of Côte d’Ivoire’s disarmament process to secure weapons hidden in private arsenals. The law confirmed the age of consent for marriage as 18, but child marriage is still common. Ivorian judges have yet to complete an investigation into violent intercommunal clashes between pastoralists and farmers in Bouna in March 2016, which left at least 27 people dead and thousands more displaced. The decree lacks detail on how the law’s implementation will be monitored. The new criminal code removed references to acts between members of the same sex as an aggravating factor in cases of public indecency. It inherited UN Operation in Cote d’Ivoire (UNOCI’s) human rights mandate upon UNOCI’s departure in June 2017 but acknowledged it did not have UNOCI’s resources. The international nongovernmental organization (NGO) Human Rights Watch (HRW) issued the report Cote d'Ivoire: Pro-Gbagbo Forces Abducting Opponents, which documented a pattern of nightly raids on pro-Ouattara neighborhoods beginning December 16. He was convicted on June 7 for public order offenses; his initial one-year sentence was increased to two after a July 31 appeal. The trial of an online news editor, charged with divulging false news in May 2016 after publishing an interview with ex-President Gbagbo’s son, Michel, was adjourned October 20 after several earlier delays. An ICC trial chamber on January 15 acquitted Gbagbo and Blé Goudé of crimes against humanity after an almost three-year trial, ending the case before the defense was even required to present evidence. The new criminal code creates a presumption of consent to sex between married couples, which could prevent victims of marital rape from pursuing successful prosecutions. Selon l’ONG Human Rights Watch, la Côte d’Ivoire doit éviter les violences et les abus pendant l’élection présidentielle qui doit se tenir ce dimanche (New York, le 30 octobre 2020) – Au moins 20 personnes auraient été tuées lors de violents incidents intercommunautaires et politiques à l’approche de l’élection présidentielle du 31 octobre 2020 en Côte d’Ivoire. Côte d’Ivoire continues to struggle with violent crime by street gangs, including by children, which has led to public beatings and lynching of suspected criminals. At least 14 people died and dozens were injured during clashes between communities in Béoumi, in northern Côte d’Ivoire, on May 15 and 16. In a violation of the right to freedom of expression, Sam Mohammed, a businessman and opposition supporter, was sentenced to six months’ imprisonment on March 31 for slander and defamation, after he questioned President Ouattara’s Ivorian nationality at a public rally. Ivorian judges continued to investigate crimes committed by both sides during the 2010-11 post-election crisis, but the deeply flawed trial of former First Lady Simone Gbagbo, acquitted on March 28, raised doubts about Ivorian courts’ ability to effectively try serious human rights cases. An antidiscrimination provision in Côte d’Ivoire’s new constitution, promulgated in January 2017, does not include protection against discrimination on grounds of sexual orientation. Thousands of soldiers mutinied in January and May, demanding unpaid bonuses and backpay. The CNDH inherited the UN Operation in Cote d’Ivoire (UNOCI’s) human rights mandate upon UNOCI’s departure in 2017 but acknowledged it did not have UNOCI’s resources or its autonomy. Dozens of former President Gbagbo supporters arrested for their alleged role in the post-election crisis or subsequent attacks against the state remain in extended pretrial detention. On April 4, three human rights groups, two Ivorian and one international, filed a Supreme Court complaint contesting President Ouattara’s authority to issue the amnesty, arguing that it violated Côte d’Ivoire international human rights treaty obligations. The cell, established in 2011, had in previous years charged more than two dozen senior military officers and political leaders with crimes against humanity or war crimes. The Ivorian government stated in February that the amnesty law does not preclude Ivorian judges from investigating the worst crimes committed during the crisis, noting that it does not apply to individuals who are “members of the military and armed groups.” On November 6, Ivorian judges confirmed charges against Blé Goudé in Côte d’Ivoire for alleged crimes during the 2010-11 post-election crisis, including murder, rape, and torture. The main opposition party, which boycotted the 2011 legislative elections, participated and won seats. Côte d’Ivoire’s international partners, including China, the European Union, France, and the United States, failed to publicly comment on the August amnesty, consistent with their failure to meaningfully pressure the government to hold to account those implicated in past human rights violations. The legislature in July passed new laws on marriage and inheritance that establish co-ownership of martial property. The International Criminal Court (ICC)’s January 2019 acquittal of former President Laurent Gbagbo and his youth minister and militia leader Charles Blé Goudé, and the halting of domestic prosecutions, further entrenched impunity for crimes committed after the 2010-11 elections, which left thousands dead. Côte d'Ivoire's Special Investigative and Examination Cell, established in 2011, continued its investigations into human rights crimes committed during the 2010-11 violence. However, the new marriage law defines marriage as between a man and a woman, and incidents of discrimination against lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) persons—including physical assaults—are common. The mandate of the UN independent expert on human rights in Côte d’Ivoire expired June 30 and was not renewed by the Human Rights Council. At least 15 people died in a wave of mutinies and demonstrations by demobilized soldiers. A government reparations program continued to give victims of the 2002-2011 conflicts financial payments, medical treatment, and other forms of assistance. However, the only national civilian trials so far are those of Simone Gbagbo and General Dogbo Blé, the ex-leader of President Gbagbo’s Republican Guard, convicted April 14 with five others for the kidnapping and murder of four foreigners on April 4, 2011. The new law could also introduce time limits on pretrial detention and, if properly implemented, would offer sentencing alternatives to prison, such as probation or community service. In its written decision on July 16, the two-judge majority strongly criticized the weakness of the prosecution evidence. The NGO notes that seven years after the post-election crisis that claimed the lives of 3,000 people, Côte d’Ivoire’s economic growth contrasts sharply with the fragile human rights situation. The government, however, failed to tackle the root causes of past political violence, notably entrenched impunity, a politicized judiciary, and longstanding political and ethnic tensions. As of October the CNDH had 31 regional commissions and seven thematically focused departments. Magistrates said that, with adequate staffing, this could reduce the backlog of criminal cases awaiting trial. On December 21, 2018, the National Assembly adopted a new Code of Criminal Procedure that replaced the Cour d’Assises, a criminal court that sat only periodically, with permanent criminal courts able to try the most serious offenses. However, ongoing indiscipline by members of the security services and violent army mutinies demonstrated the precariousness of the country’s newfound stability. Although the UN reported in January 2017 that the number of reported cases of sexual and gender-based violence has progressively decreased since 2014, social stigma and widespread impunity prevents many victims from reporting abuses. This has, in turn, influenced a positive change in law and an upward trend in certain economic and social rights. The raids, reportedly conducted by security forces loyal to Gbagbo and militia groups, resulted in the disappearances of numerous persons. Much needed efforts continued to professionalize the army and improve discipline in the security forces, both through training and the reform of army leadership. The government passed laws that defined torture as a stand-alone crime and introduced measures that could reduce reliance on pretrial detention and improve marriage equality. The government in May indefinitely delayed a parliamentary vote on a new press law, which was criticized by media freedom groups for stipulating harsh penalties for vaguely defined media offenses. Cote d’Ivoire continued the process of moving away from the successive and bloody political crises of 2000-11, with the United Nations ending a 13-year peacekeeping mission in June. In legislative elections held in December 2016, the ruling government coalition won 66 percent of National Assembly seats. Mr Ayat congratulated the National Commission for Human Rights in Côte d’Ivoire (CNDHCI) for its growing dynamism and stated that “the recommendations of the annual report … Having first awarded cash payments and medical care to 4,500 victims, the government began a second phase of largely non-monetary assistance in October. Human Right Watch defends the rights of people in 90 countries worldwide, spotlighting abuses and bringing perpetrators to justice. While the new constitution removed a divisive nationality clause, requiring a presidential candidate’s father and mother to be Ivorian, many of the other root causes of past conflict remained unaddressed, particularly a politicized judiciary and simmering conflicts over land. Serving and demobilized soldiers were also implicated in a series of attacks on police and gendarme installations. Côte d’Ivoire’s reparations body had, when it submitted its report in April 2016, compiled a list of more than 316,000 victims potentially eligible for reparations, although the vast majority of victims have yet to receive assistance. President Ouattara has said that all further cases related to the 2010-11 crisis will be tried in national courts. On June 26, President Ouattara promulgated a new criminal code that makes the organization of an “undeclared or prohibited” demonstration punishable by one to three years’ imprisonment and a financial penalty. Côte d'Ivoire: Côte d’Ivoire : Violences postélectorales et répression Plus de 50 personnes ont été tuées depuis l’élection présidentielle et plus d’une dizaine de leaders de l’opposition ont été arrêtés (New York) – Les autorités ivoiriennes devraient de toute urgence … HRW – Human Rights Watch. https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2020/country-chapters/cote-divoire Divisive political rhetoric, residual tensions from the 2018 local elections, and recurring disputes over access to land led to an increase in intercommunal tensions. Côte d’Ivoire is in a period of strong economic growth following nearly a decade of conflict but still faces political and post-conflict challenges around issues related to political consensus, reconciliation and security. Three opposition politicians were given disproportionate 30-month sentences May 26 for their role in a banned opposition rally in May 2015. The UN’s new independent expert on capacity-building and technical cooperation with Côte d’Ivoire in the field of human rights published his first report in April 2015. Human rights in Côte d’Ivoire remain restricted in 2017. Human Rights Watch suggère ensuite aux autorités ivoiriennes de soutenir l’indépendance des juges et des procureurs et demande aux partenaires internationaux de la Côte d’Ivoire —dont l’Union européenne, les Nations unies, la France et les Etats-Unis— d’«accroître leurs pressions diplomatiques et leur soutien financier aux efforts de justice impartiale». A peaceful transfer of power from one elected president to another would missions in Côte d’Ivoire illustrating the human rights violations committed since November 2010. Prison conditions and overcrowding remained a problem. Opposition parliamentarian Alain Lobognon was sentenced to a year’s imprisonment on January 29, reduced to a six-month suspended sentence on appeal, for disclosing “fake news” after alleging on social media that police were planning to imprison an opposition mayor whom the government had accused of corruption. The International Criminal Court (ICC) is continuing its investigations in Côte d’Ivoire following the court’s January 2019 acquittal of Laurent Gbagbo for crimes against humanity during the 2010-11 post-election crisis, which is currently under appeal by the Office of the Prosecutor (OTP). (Nairobi) – Heavily-armed criminals are subjecting residents of northern Côte d’Ivoire to a relentless pace of often-violent attacks on buses and private vehicles and in villages, Human Rights Watch said today. In October 2020, Côte d’Ivoire is expected to hold pivotal presidential elections. The National Assembly and Senate in July and August enacted reforms to modify the composition of the election commission, as required by a 2016 judgment by the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights. The ICC also intensified its investigations into crimes committed by pro-Ouattara forces during the crisis, but has yet to issue arrest warrants. In June, Cote d’Ivoire was elected to the UN Security Council for the 2018-2019 term. Every year, Amnesty International evaluates the human rights situation in countries around the world. The government in 2016 created a new rural land agency to streamline the land registration process, with the agency to become operational in 2018. Human Rights Watch dénonce les meurtres de partisans pro-Gbagbo à Abidjan. Refworld contains a vast collection of reports relating to situations in countries of origin, policy documents and positions, and documents relating to international and national legal frameworks. Although the Ivorian constitution protects freedom of assembly, Ivorian law requires opposition parties to request permits for public rallies. The Pushback Against the Populist Challenge. It also criminalizes abortion except where necessary to protect the life of the mother or for victims of rape. Côte d’Ivoire in July 2019 adopted a new forestry code that signals a renewed effort to protect and rehabilitate the country’s protected forests, which have been devastated by cocoa farming. Human Rights Watch defends the rights of people in 90 countries worldwide, spotlighting abuses and bringing perpetrators to justice, Human Rights Watch is a 501(C)(3) nonprofit registered in the US under EIN: 13-2875808. The holding of cour d’assises sessions has enabled some trials and convictions for rape, but many sexual assaults are reclassified as lesser offenses or settled out of court. illustration (c) Droits reservés. However, fundamental problems remain, including excessive use of pretrial detention and a lack of judicial independence, particularly in political trials. The government in several instances prohibited opposition rallies, and on multiple occasions police or gendarmes arrested and briefly detained opposition politicians and civil society activists who organized anti-government demonstrations. Abidjan’s juvenile detention center is housed inside an adult prison, and children in pretrial detention are often detained with adults. Côte d’Ivoire’s international partners failed to apply public pressure on the government to address longstanding impunity. President Alassane Ouattara promulgated a new constitution in January, which establishes a vice president position and a second legislative chamber, with one-third of its members appointed by the president. Côte d’Ivoire does not criminalize same-sex conduct, although the criminal code establishes higher minimum sentences for public indecency for same-sex couples. Stay up to date and learn about key human rights issues in Côte d’Ivoire. The ICC prosecutor appealed the acquittals on September 16, asking judges to declare a mistrial. The new criminal code also creates vague offenses, punishable by imprisonment, which threaten freedom of speech, including offenses for “sharing false news where that results or could result in” disturbance to public order and “causing offense to the president or vice-president.”. COTE D’IVOIRE 2017 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Cote d’Ivoire is a democratic republic ruled by a freely elected government. Côte d’Ivoire’s Special Investigative and Examination Cell, established in 2011, continued its investigations into human rights crimes committed during the 2010-11 violence. Cameroun – Côte d’Ivoire : Human Rights Watch épinglé . The International Criminal Court (ICC) continued the trial of former President Gbagbo and Charles Blé Goudé, a former youth minister and leader of a pro-Gbagbo militia, and is also investigating crimes committed by pro-Ouattara forces during the 2010-11 crisis. Consensual sexual relations between consenting individuals of the same sex are not criminalized in Côte d’Ivoire. The justice system lacks independence and judges regularly experience pressure from the executive. https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2018/country-chapters/cote-divoire The laws also give a widow the right to one- quarter of the husband’s estate, with the remaining three-quarters going to the children. En Côte d'Ivoire, HRW demande des sanctions contre des commandants des FRCI. In October and November, at least 10 people were killed during clashes between rival groups for control of territory in protected forests in western Côte d’Ivoire. The political and military impasse between the Ivorian government and northern-based New Forces rebels resulted in 2006 in continued human rights abuses by all sides, a further erosion of the rule of law, and yet another postponement of elections that were to have taken place in October. However, some of them remain in positions of authority within the armed forces. Other than the Blé Goudé’s case, however, the Special Cell has frozen its investigations, making it unlikely that alleged perpetrators will ever face trial. The UN Operation in Côte d’Ivoire (UNOCI) concluded its 13-year peacekeeping mission on June 30, 2017, leaving the European Union, France, and the United States as Côte d’Ivoire’s principal partners on justice and security-sector reform. Recurring disputes over land ownership remain an important source of intercommunal tension, particularly in western Côte d’Ivoire.
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